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Jtmertcan fhtftquartatt ^attsfcj 



SOME LETTERS OF 
ANDREW JACKSON 



BY 

HENRY F. DePUY 



Reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 
for April, 1921 



WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A. 

PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY 

1922 



E' : 






THE DAVIS PRESS 
Worcester, Massachusetts 






■ ■■- 



SOME LETTERS OF ANDREW JACKSON 



THE correspondence which forms the major part of 
this paper covers the presidential campaign of 1824 
and ends with a letter written after Jackson's return 
to Tennessee from.Washington in May, 1825. So far 
as I know only one of these letters has ever been 
published. The letter of Jackson dated at Washing- 
ton, February 22, 1825 is known as "the Swartwout 
letter" and was printed in the "National Advocate" 
in March 1825, and from that paper it was copied by 
Parton in his biography of Jackson. In all probability 
it was copied by many other newspapers of the period. 
Two other letters contain an invitation to Jackson 
from some of his sympathizers to attend a dinner, and 
Jackson's declination. This dinner invitation was 
known at the time, and is referred to by Parton, but I 
doubt if the letters themselves have ever before been 
printed. 

The originals of these letters are now in the posses- 
sion of the writer. 

Even by his best biographers Jackson has often 
been described as illiterate, and for that reason the 
attempt has been made to make these letters as nearly 
exact copies of the originals as it is possible to secure 
with type. Every error of grammar, spelling, and the 
use of capitals has been faithfully copied, and even his 
peculiar punctuation is given. The proofs have been 
carefully compared with the original letters, to make 
sure that the proof-reader or compositor had not taken 
it upon himself to correct apparent errors. The reader 
will therefore be able to judge for himself just how 
illiterate "Old Hickory" really was. 



Of the thirty-four presidential elections that have 
been held under the Constitution only three have been 
in doubt when the Electoral Colleges have voted: — 
those of 1800, 1824, and 1876. The second of these 
was from a variety of reasons the most interesting. It 
was the second time the election had been thrown into 
the House of Representatives; but in 1800 Jefferson 
and Burr had received a large majority of the electoral 
votes, and only because they had received the same 
number was Congress required to decide which should 
be the President. In the election of 1824, four 
candidates received electoral votes and no one had a 
majority of all. By the provision of the Constitution 
it became the duty of the House of Representatives to 
choose a President from the three who had received the 
highest number of electoral votes. Jackson had 
ninety-nine votes, Adams had eighty-four, Crawford 
forty-one, and Clay thirty-seven. Clay who was 
Speaker of the House of Representatives was out of 
the race, but on account of his position had a con- 
trolling influence on the result. 

The natural result of such a situation was to bring 
the partisans of the candidates to the Capital at the 
meeting of Congress. Washington, then but a small 
city, must have fairly boiled with excitement and 
wire-pulling. It is beyond the purpose of this paper 
to give an account of the intrigues of that time. Clay 
gave his influence to Adams who was elected, and 
Adams appointed Clay, Secretary of State. Jackson 
believed that the appointment was the price Clay re- 
ceived for his influence, and his many friends said 
bitter things about it. To make matters worse as 
concerned Jackson, Clay on the twenty-eighth of 
February wrote to Judge Francis J. Brooke of Vir- 
ginia a letter in which he gave as a reason for not 
supporting Jackson, the Western candidate, that he 
feared to trust the execution of the laws in the hands of 
a "Military Chieftain." Knowing full well that this 
would sting Jackson, and fearing that he might in 



5 

reply say or do something that would injure his 
political prospects, Swartwout wrote to him the letter 
of February 18, 1825. It was so worded, as Swartwout 
says in the note on his fair copy, as to persuade 
Jackson not to take any notice of Clay's excuse. 
Jackson's reply was evidently better than Swartwout 
and his friends expected, for although the letter was 
written in Washington on February 22, it went to New 
York and was sent back to Washington to appear in 
the "National Advocate" in March. It is unlikely 
that Jackson consulted with any one in replying to 
Swartwout, and if anyone doubts that he knew how to 
express himself in good vigorous English, one reading 
of this letter ought to dispel the doubt. 

The only other of these letters that may call for com- 
ment, is the one written from "The Hermitage" May 
16, 1825, when the Adams administration was fairly 
under way. From what we know of Swartwout's 
former attempt to check Jackson's impetuosity, it is not 
improbable that he had again written with the same 
intent. At any rate Jackson agrees with him that it 
is not the proper time to reply to Clay's "Address to 
his Constituents," but he admits that "Mr. Clay had 
left himself in his address so open to a severe scourging 
that it has been with difficulty I could withold my 
pen. " His reference in this letter to a Representative 
from Pennsylvania is most likely to James Buchanan, 
afterward President. Later on, when the quarrel with 
Clay had become more acute, Jackson openly stated 
that Buchanan had come to him with a proposal to 
secure Clay's influence in the House of Representatives 
by promising to make him Secretary of State. Buchan- 
an admitted the interview but denied that he had 
made the proposal as Jackson understood it. Martin 
Van Buren in his recently published Autobiography 
says "Buchanan dodged the subject." Benton, at 
one time Jackson's enemy, but then and to the end of 
his career his staunch friend, said that Clay had told 
him as early as December, 1824, that he intended to 



6 

support Adams. But nothing ever changed Jackson's 
belief that Buchanan was sent to him by Clay or some 
of Clay's close friends with an authorized proposal. 

In several of these letters Jackson makes statements 
to the effect that he has never sought an office and 
never refused one when he believed he could serve well 
his country. Such professions from many politicians 
are neither unusual nor sincere. But in this case it 
should be remembered that, like Roosevelt, Jackson's 
honesty, sincerity, and patriotism, have never been 
questioned. 

Samuel Swartwout to whom these letters of Jackson 
were addressed was a son of Abraham Swartwout of 
Poughkeepsie, N. Y. He was born in that city in 
1783, and died in New York, November 21, 1856. He 
had a rather checkered career. He was a disciple of 
Aaron Burr and took part in his expedition down the 
Ohio in 1805; he served in the war of 1812, and was 
Captain of the famous New York City Troop "The 
Iron Grays"; he wrote a pamphlet, " A Concise Narra- 
tive of General Jackson's First Invasion of Florida" 
etc., "By Aristides," N. Y. 1827, of which five 
editions were printed. In April, 1829, Jackson ap- 
pointed him Collector of the Port of New York, 
against the strong protest of Martin Van Buren, then 
Secretary of State, who wrote the President, "I feel it 
my duty to add that his selection would in my judg- 
ment be a measure that would in the end be deeply 
lamented by every sincere and intelligent friend of 
your administration throughout the Union." His 
prophesy was fulfilled when Swartwout became a 
defaulter to the Government. With his brothers he 
owned a large portion of the salt meadows between 
Newark and Hoboken. Fitz Greene Halleck in the 
"Croakers" says: 

"Sam Swartwout, where are now thy Grays? 
Oh bid again their banner blaze 
O'er hearts and ranks unbroken. 



Let drum and fife your slumbers break, 
And bid the devil freely take 
Your meadows at Hoboken." 

CORRESPONDENCE 

A. Letter from Jackson, dated Washington, Dec. 16, 1823. 

B. Letter from Jackson, dated Washington, March 4, 1824. 

C. Letter from Jackson, dated Hermitage near Nashville, 

Sept. 27, 1824. 

D. Letter from Jackson, dated Washington, Dec. 14, 1824. 

E. Letter from Swartwout, et al., dated Washington, Feb. 

10, 1825. 

F. Letter from Jackson, dated Washington, Feb. 10, 1825. 

G. Letter from Swartwout, dated New York, Feb. 18, 1825. 
H. Letter from Jackson, dated Washington, Feb. 22, 1825. 
I. Letter from Jackson, dated Hermitage near Nashville, 

May 16, 1825. 

A 

Washington City 16th Dec'br 1823 
Dr Sir 

I have rec'd your very friendly letter and thank you for the 
kind expressions you have indulged towards me. I have 
avoided writing on the subject of which your letter treats from 
an apprehension that sometimes my letters might incautiously 
be thrown into the papers, and that it might be inferred that I 
was seeking after my own advancement. It was on this 
account that I forebore oftentimes to reply to letters on the 
subject of the Presidential election, content for those results to 
take place which my country might be satisfied with. I assure 
you in the same candor which you have spoken, that with 
whatever decision the nation may pronounce I shall be 
satisfied. My name has been presented to the public, and 
that presentation, as you, I am sure will believe, was without 
any procurement of mine. I have never declined any call of 
the constituted authorities of my country where it was believed 
by me that any beneficial results would accrue, & never shall; 
during the little time I have to five, my mind and opinion is 
made up to stand in any situation where by possibility it may 
be in my power to do aught calculated to give efficiency to the 



8 

principles which she has established, & which I trust may be 
perpetual; yet if in any contest to occur, some other should be 
preferred, that preference will bring to me no other feeling than 
joy that another is found in whom the Nation can repose in 
greater confidence. I thank you for the good opinion you are 
pleased to express, & should I be called to discharge the high 
trust for which many have thought me qualified & worthy, my 
anxious care will be to act as efficiently as I can; declaring to 
you at the same time that the preference of another will bring 
with it no unpleasant sensation whatever. Present me re- 
spectfully to your Lady, Mr Colden, Lady, & family, be 
pleased to say to your brother Genl Swartwout, with what 
sincere regret I learned when I called at Genl Browns to pay 
my respects to him (having the day before thro misapprehen- 
sion called at Browns Hotel where I thought he put up) I was 
informed that on that morning he had left for New York. 
Present me respectfully to him & believe me to be very 
respectfully your friend. 



Colo Samuel Swartwout 
B 



ANDREW JACKSON 



Washington 
March 4th 1824 



Dear Sir 

Accept my thanks for your friendly letter of the 1st Instant 
which has just reached me. You are right in supposing me 
pretty much engaged, not in attending however to Legislative 
matters, for indeed, there are so many, who by their itch for 
discoursing, seem desirous to enlighten and inform the com- 
munity and their brethren associates, that I am content rather 
to be a listener, than an actor: I have however a numerous 
list of correspondents to attend to, inasmuch as many of my 
old soldiers in arms, hearing that I have turned politician, 
prefer sending their long standing & almost obsolete claims to 
me, in the hope that I may be able to do something for them. 
An old soldier you know, should not in time of peace forget his 
old associates, nor do they permit it, of course I have many 
inquiries to reply to, for outstanding and unremunerated 
services. 



But notwithstanding this, I have some little leisure time on 
my hand, when it is a pleasure to me, to hear from, & to answer 
my friends. It will allways afford me pleasure I assure you, 
to hear from you ; & should I prove in default at any time, you 
will at once attribute it to the true account. 

Regarding the particular subject of your letter, you are 
sufficiently acquainted with me, & with my principles to 
accord with this remark, that of all men in the country I can 
know least about matters going on. The world calls me, & 
the world believes me, a wonderfully ambitious man, bent 
upon my own purposes, & regardless of all else besides. If I 
know anything of myself, I can at least venture to say, that 
they are greatly mistaken, & that they do not know me. 

I have seen & enjoyed much of the honor, the confidence, 
and the regard of my country, and it is gratefull to me, because 
that it has been extended without any covert solicitation on my 
part; yet had it never dreamed of me for any higher future 
part, than that of a private citizen, & suffered me on my own 
farm, to have been a spectator, rather than an actor, in events to 
come, I should have been contented & happy. Mankind may, 
or may not, believe it; & surely what I say will not convince 
them to the contrary; yet with truth can I, & do I say, that in 
nothing in which I have been engaged, did I ever look to my- 
self. I never yet have been, & hope never to be placed in any 
situation where fear & trembling shall overtake me, in dis- 
charge of my duty; & where that is discovered, with a convic- 
tion arising that my country may be benefitted by my acts, I 
shall proceed regardless of censure. I am getting my dear Sir 
rather too far advanced in life now, to be goaded by feelings of 
improper ambition. The alone wish of my heart, is that the 
country in which I live, & of which I am truly proud, may for 
all time to come continue free, prosperous, & happy as she is, 
& has been. A man of fifty-seven, should be without any 
feelings of ambition, except what duty to the interest of his 
country & a regard for his own honor & character may dictate. 

I am Sir with great respect & esteem, your most obdt servt 

ANDREW JACKSON 

Sam'l Swartwout 
New York 



10 



Hermitage near Nashville 
Sept'br 27th 1824 
My Dear Sir 

Your letter of the 4th instant, is this moment received, for 
which, & the information by it, accept my thanks. 

Be assured that the friends of Mr. Adams when they 
assert that I have "abandoned the field in his favour", not 
only are guilty of the grossest misrepresentation, but practice 
an unpardonable outrage upon the principles which I have uni- 
formly carried with me in all my public service : viz. never to 
seek or decline office, but to leave the selection of all incum- 
bents to the free will of the people, untrameled by any 
exercise of influence inconsistent with the perfect right to 
judge the qualifications. As therefore the people have taken 
up my name in opposition to others, the idea of my being 
withdrawn has been very properly scouted by yourself. This 
was hardly to have been looked for by Mr. A's friends, nor 
indeed from any who love the freedom, & sovereignty of the 
people; or who profess to do so. 

Be pleased to present my kind salutations to your Lady, & 
believe me to be very respectfully 

Your friend 

ANDREW JACKSON 
Major Sam'l Swartwout 

D 



City of Washington 
Dec'br 14th 1824 
Dr Sir 

But for the little leisure I have had since my arrival at this 
place your letter of the 10th would have been earlier replied to. 

I assure you my dear Sir that so far as my feelings stand 
staked on the late contest before the American people, I feel 
myself much gratified, and amply remunerated against every- 
thing of unpleasantness which abuse and slander has heaped 
upon me, in the recollection and hope that my friends have been 
actuated by the purest principles & motives. I recollect with 
pride & pleasure that in no one instance have I sought by 



11 

promise or management to draw to myself the good opinion of 
a single individual in society; and that so many should have pre- 
ferred me to take charge & administer the affairs of our great 
& growing country, is to me a matter of the highest consolation, 
let the result now be as it may. There are doubtless many, 
who might discredit the assertion, tho you I hope will believe 
it, that upon this subject I am without any deep concern. I 
should be doing injustice to the feelings of those who with such 
a zeal & friendship have sustained me in this trial, were I to 
assert entire disregard about the matter, nor do I feel a disre- 
gard, particularly when I consider that so many of my fellow 
citizens have evinced a preference towards me. My thanks 
are due to them, and the[y] are most cheerfully extended; yet I 
declare to you, that if any favorable result could be secured 
thro any intrigue, management, or promises to be made on my 
part, I would at once unhesitatingly & without reserve spurn 
anything of success. You must not understand me with any 
other meaning than that which is my object to convey, it is 
this; that the choice of a President is a matter for the people: — 
to be installed against their will no man could calculate upon a 
happy or beneficial administration; neither credit to himself, or 
advantage to his country could be the result of his success ; & 
therefore do I repeat, & assure you that I should feel myself an 
unhappy, perhaps degraded man, should anything of manage- 
ment or arangement contrary to that consent place me in the 
Executive chair: a turbulent time will be the lot of that man 
who may come in thro any channel save that of a preference by 
the people; & god grant it may always be so. To say I have 
nothing of concern about the office would be doing injustice 
to the kind feelings of those who have sustained me, and would 
wear the appearance of affectation; it is my design merely to 
say, that I should prefer to remain a plain cultivator of the soil 
as I am, than occupy that which is truly the first office in the 
world, if the voice of the nation was against it. With these 
sentiments I have lived, and with them I hope to die. 

I have toiled for my country, and the advantages she has 
derived, I hope, from my services are to me a pleasing reflec- 
tion; and to me it is of higher importance, that our happiness & 
plain republican institutions should be well maintained, than 



12 

that this or that man shall take charge of our destinies. I 
have risqued much for the liberties of our country, and my 
anxious & sincere prayer is, that they may long endure. 

Who shall rule is of less importance, than how he may claim 
to rule or Govern when in power. 

The person of whom you speak is well known to me, & has 
been for a long time, with you I agree that he is a timid un- 
decided man ; for his own sake I could wish it otherwise, for the 
caution you have given receive my thanks & I will profit by the 
sugestion. 

Mrs. J respects you will please present to Mrs Swartwout, 
and accept for yourself the assurance of my great regard 
I am yr most ob'dt serv't 

ANDREW JACKSON 
Major Sam'l Swartwout 

E 



Washington City Feb'y 1825 
Sir. 

A number of your fellow citizens who are assembled in this 
City from different States of the Union, with the confident 
expectation of seeing the universal wishes of the Nation ful- 
filled by your elevation to the Chief Magistracy thereof; 
Being disappointed in this respect however, they are desirous of 
testifying their attachment and regard for you by soliciting 
the pleasure of your company at a public entertainment to be 
given at Williamson's Hotel tomorrow afternoon at 5 o'clock. 
We are very respectfully your fellow citizens. 

SAM'L SWARTWOUT of N. Jersey 
JOHN CONRAD, of Pennsylvania 
WM. ROBINSON, of Virginia 
J. O. HANLON, of So. Ca. 
Committee 
Gen'l Andrew Jackson 
Washington City 

F 

Gentlemen 

I have received your polite invitation in behalf of your- 
selves, and a number of citizens "in this City from different 



13 

States of the Union" to partake of a public entertainment 
tomorrow. 

For your politeness pray accept my thanks. I cannot de- 
cline, and ought not; yet can I not refrain from sugesting to 
you, and my friends, the propriety, perhaps necessity, of for- 
bearing to confer upon me at this moment, any such prominent 
mark of your regard. You cannot, I am persuaded, mistake 
my meaning. A decision of a matter, about which much 
public feeling & concern has been manifested, very lately has 
taken place; any evidence of kindness & regard, such as you 
propose, might by many be viewed as conveying with it excep- 
tion, murmuring, and feelings of complaint, which I sin- 
cerely hope belong not to any of my friends. I would therefore 
beg leave to sugest to you, that on reflection, you may 
deem it proper to forbear any course to which possibly excep- 
tion might be taken. 

Please accept my thanks and tender them to the Gentlemen 
respectively 

ANDREW JACKSON 
Feb'ry 10th, 1825 
Messrs 

Sam'l Swartwout 
John Conrad 
Wm Robinson 
J. OHanlon 

Committee 

G 

New York 
18th feb 1825 
To the Hon'l Andrew Jackson 

Washington City 
My Dear Sir 

The singular reason which Mr. Clay has thought proper to 
give to Judge Brooke of Virginia, in his letter of the 28th ult. 
for the choice he had determined to make amongst the Presi- 
dential candidates, has excited more surprise than apprehen- 
sion in the public mind. 

Upon what grounds of anology Mr. Clay can sustain his 
objections is not perceived. If we are to Judge of his meaning 



14 

by his words, he has certainly placed himself in a dilemma, and 
his character for learning must be considered in equal danger 
with his reputation for integrity. To apprehend disaster to 
our institutions from the same causes which occasioned the 
overthrow of the ancient Republics is to suppose the gov'ts 
the same and the people of this country as ignorant, oppressed 
and corrupted as they were. Their overthrow it is well known 
(as far as history may be credited) was occasioned by the 
ignorance & slavish oppression of the people and the corruption 
& profligacy of their rulers. But this is not the case with us 
thank God. Our people are free, are educated, intelligent & 
happy. The Gov't is founded in knowledge & virtue and 
derives its stability from the representative principle. These 
did not belong to the ancients & hence the difference between 
us & them. Ours is a government of trusts & responsibilities, 
of equal rights & obligations. And as all the power is derived 
directly from the people,who are the sovereigns of this country, 
they will never surrender their liberties (being free inteligent & 
virtuous) nor be alarmed for their security by the cries of a 
demagogue. 

I have been induced to make these remarks from the perusal 
of Mr. Clay's letter published in one of our journals. The 
deep solicitude which he seems to feel for the welfare of his 
country is very interesting & truly remarkable. It appears 
that he "interrogated his conscience as to what he ought to do 
& that that faithful guide told him how to vote. " It is really a 
pity that the same scrupulous conscience had not admonished 
him of his obligations to the constitution,whilst he was plotting 
the most deadly blow to the liberties of his country that it has 
ever rec'd, in the daring & open infraction of representative 
duty. 

It is supposed by many that you intend to notice this pro- 
duction. I know not if you do, but if you should your 
friends feel persuaded that the same mild, & dignified language 
will characterize it, which so conspicuously marked your other 
productions during the Presidential controversy. Your digni- 
fied deportment & magnanimous submission to the recent 
outrage, have confirmed the opinions your friends had con- 
cicved of your character and drawn from your enemies 



15 



expressions of admiration & confidence, which nothing but the 
most exemplary conduct could have elicited. 

I have said that many suppose that you intend to notice this 
production, and many imagine that you design to pass it over 
in silence, I must confess that there is a decided majority of 
those who entertain the latter opinion. It is really gratifying 
to your friends to witness the deep feeling that pervades the 
country upon the subject of the recent usurpation & your con- 
duct under it. Society is filled with conjecture & anxiety — 
one person wonders whether you intend to hold Mr. Clay 
personally responsible, another conjectures you will not whilst 
all commend the silence with which you have hitherto treated 
the reports of your enemies. Intrigue & corruption have de- 
prived the people of their President, but neither has been able 
to deprive the man of the people of his dignity, or of the fast 
hold he has in the affections of 10 millions of freemen. Your 
gallantry & services to your country, won the hearts of your 
friends, whilst your temperance & forbearance has subdued 
your enemies. Your silence & neglect of Henry Clay will 
mortify him more than volumes of reproaches. His card 
astonished all parties and he only waits an opportunity of being 
associated in controversy, with men of high character to 
imbezzel himself into decent society again. Every man, ex- 
cepting his coadjutors and followers, consider him as irre- 
vocably lost. And nothing, I think would have so great a 
tendency to reconcile Society to his name again & to weaken 
the moral odium of his disregard of the Representative 
obligation, as a spirited controversy with a dignified adversary. 
He has fallen so low that he can never rise again except from 
personal contact with one greatly above him. 

I hope my dear Sir that you will consider these sentiments 
as proceeding from a heart deeply alive to your present sit- 
uation. I feel the importance of every act you do, however 
minute, upon the present welfare, perhaps the future destiny of 
our country. The eyes of the whole Union are upon you. 
The deepest solicitude pervades all ranks of people. Jackson, 
greater in adversity than in prosperity, is the only man who 
can rally the Nation & restore the Gov't to its primitive purity. 
The calm, erect [?] and dignified deportment of the truly great, 



16 

will achieve a thousand times more than the best told tale or 
the sharpest satire. 

Will you my dear Sir, pardon me for this long letter and 
believe that it is penned in the same spirit of affection & 
attachment with which I shall always remain 

Your ob't Servant 

SAM'L SWARTWOUT 
Endorsment 
Copy Gen'l Jackson 18th February 1825 

This letter was written to endeavor to prevent Gen'l 
Jackson from noticing Mr. Clay's remark made to Judge 
Brook. It was not deemed necessary to publish it at the time, 
altho it may be thought advisable at some future day to show 
the immediate cause of the Gen'ls celebrated reply to it. 

SAM'L SWARTWOUT 

P. S. Mr. Clay in his address to his constituents amongst 
other defenses charged an understanding and concert between 
Genl' Jackson & myself, on this subject. I therefore state 
most solemnly that I never conversed with him on the subject 
while at Washington or elsewhere and that no communication 
ever took place between us, at any time or place, excepting the 
above or within, 

SAM'L SWARTWOUT 

Washington City Fbry 22d 1825 

H 

My Dear Sir 

I was quite concerned that you left the city so suddenly, as 
that I was denied the pleasure of seeing & shaking you by the 
hand. You took with you however my best wishes for your 
safe arival home. I beg you to present to Mrs. S. my & Mrs. 
Jackson's affectionate regard. 

Yesterday I rec'd your communication adverting to the 
reasons and defence presented by Mr. Clay to Judge Brooks 
why duty & reflection imposed upon him the necessity of 
standing in opposition to me, because of my being as he is 
pleased to style me, " a Military Chieftain. " I had before seen 



17 

the letter; first when it appeared, I did entertain the opinion, 
that perhaps some notice of it might be necessary, for the 
reason that the expression seemed to carry with it more the 
appearance of personality than any thing else; and could the 
opinion be at all entertained, that it could meet the object, 
which doubtless was intended, to prejudice me in the estima- 
tion of my countrymen, I might yet consider some notice of it 
necessary; such a belief however I cannot entertain, without 
insulting the generous testimonial with which by ninety-nine 
electors of the people I have been honoured. 

I am well aware that this term "Military Chieftain" has for 
some time past been a cant phrase with Mr Clay & certain of 
his retainers; but the vote with which by the people I have been 
honored, is enough to satisfy me, that the prejudice by them, 
sought to be produced availed but little. This sufficient for 
me. I entertain a deep and heartfelt gratitude to my country, 
for the confidence & regard she has manifested towards me, 
leaving to prejudiced minds whatever they can make of the 
epithet " Military Chieftain. " 

It is for an ingenuity stronger than mine to concieve what 
idea was intended to be conveyed by the term. It is very true 
that early in life, even in the days of boyhood, I contributed 
my mite to shake off the yoke of tyranny, and to build up the 
fabrick of free government; and when lately our country was 
involved in war, having the commission of Major Gen'l of 
Militia in Tennessee, I made an appeal to the patriotism of the 
western citizens, when 3000 of them went with me to the field, 
to support her Eagles. If this can constitute me a "Military 
Chieftain" I am one. Aided by the patriotism of the western 
people, and an indulgent providence, it was my good fortune to 
protect our frontier border from the savages, & successfully 
to defend an important & vulnerable point of our Union. 
Our fives were risked, privations endured, sacrifices made, if 
Mr. Clay pleases, Martial law declared, not with any view of 
personal agrandisment, but for the preservation of all and 
everything that was valuable, the honor safety & glory of our 
country. Does this constitute a "Military Chieftain"? and 
era all our brave men in war, who go forth to defend their 
rights, & the rights of their country to be termed Military 



18 

Chieftains, and therefor denounced? if so, the tendency of 
such a doctrine may be, to arrest the ardor of usefull and brave 
men, in future times of need & peril : with me it shall make no 
difference; for my country at war I would aid assist & defend 
her rights, let the consequences to myself be what they might. 
I have as you very well know, by some of the designing 
politicians of this country, been charged with taking bold & 
high-handed measures; but as they were not designed for any 
benefit to myself I should under similar circumstances not re- 
frain from a course equally bold; that man who in time of 
difficulty & danger shall halt at any course, necessary to 
maintain the rights & privileges and independence of the 
country, is unsuited to authority; and if these opinions & 
sentiments shall entitle me to the name & character of a 
Military Chieftain I am content so to be considered, 
satisfied too for Mr. Clay if he chooses, to represent to the cit- 
izens of the West, that as the reason why in his opinon I 
meritted not his & their confidence. 

Mr. Clay never yet has risked himself for his country, 
sacrificed his repose, or made an effort to repel an invading foe; 
of course his "conscience" assured him that it was altogether 
wrong in any other man to lead his countrymen to battle & 
victory. He who fights, and fights successfully must according 
to his standard be held up as a "Military Chieftain": even 
Washington could he again appear among us might be so 
considered, because he dared to be a virtuous and successfull 
soldier, an honest statesman, & a correct man. It is only when 
overtaken by disaster & defeat, that any man is to be con- 
sidered a safe politician & correct statesman. 

Defeat might to be sure have brought with it one benefit, it 
might have enabled me to escape the notice and animadversions 
of Mr. Clay but considering that by an opposite result, my 
country has been somewhat benefitted, I rather prefer it even 
with the opprobrium & censure which he seems disposed to 
extend. To him thank god I am in no wise responsible, there 
is a purer tribunal to which in preference I would refer my- 
self — to the Judgment of an enlightened patriotic & uncor- 
rupted people — to that tribunal I would rather appeal whence 
is derived whatever reputation either he or I are possessed of. 



19 

By a refference there, it will be ascertained that I did not 
solicit the office of President, it was the frank & flattering call 
of the freeman of this country, not mine, which placed my 
name before the nation; when they failed in their colleges to 
make a choice, no one beheld me seeking thro art or manage- 
ment to entice any Representative in Congress from a con- 
scientious responsibility to his own, or the wishes of his 
constituents. No mid-night taper burnt by me ; no secret con- 
claves were held, or cabals entered into, to persuade any to a 
violation of pledges given, or of instructions received. By me 
no plans were concerted to impair the pure principles of our 
Republican institutions, or to frustrate that fundimental one 
which maintains the supremacy of the peoples will; on the con- 
trary, having never in any manner either before the people or 
Congress in the slightest manner interfered with the question, 
my conscience stands void of offence, & will go quietly with me, 
heedless of the insinuations of any, who thro management may 
seek an influence, not sanctioned by merit. 

Demagogues I am persuaded have in times past, done more 
injury to the cause of freedom & the rights of man, than ever 
did a "Military Chieftain,"; and in our country, at least in 
times of peace, should be more feared. I have seen something 
of this in my march thro life, and have seen some men too, 
making the boldest professions who were more influenced by 
selfish views & considerations, than ever they were by any 
workings of an honest conscience. 

I became a soldier for the good of my country : difficulties 
met me at every step; I thank god it was my good fortune to 
surmount them. The war over & peace restored I sought to 
retire again to my farm, & to private life, where but for the call 
made by my country to the Senate I should have contentedly 
remained. I never yet have been a hanger on upon office & 
power, or was willing to hold any post, longer than I could be 
usefull to my country, not myself, and I trust I never shall. 
If this makes me so, I am a " Military Chieftain. " 

I had intended visitting Philadelphia and hoped probably I 
again might have seen you in person but the health of Mrs. 



20 

Jackson may prevent me, should I not have the pleasure of 
seeing you rest assured of my sincere friendship & esteem. 
I am very respectfully 

Yr mo. ob'dt. servt. 

ANDREW JACKSON 
Sam'l Swartwout, Esq'r 



Hermitage near Nashville T. 
May 16th 1825 
My Dear Sir 

Your friendly letters of the 2nd & 5ult reached me by due 
course of mail, and would have been replied to when rec'd had 
my health permitted. 

Owing to the fatigue I underwent on my Journey home, 
brought on me a severe affliction that confined me for many 
days : The arival of Gen'l Lafayette aroused me from my bed 
to hail him welcome, which retarded my recovery, and has 
prevented me until now from replying to your letters. 

I had seen Mr Clays laboured address to his constituents 
before your letters reached me, I viewed it (as it is generally 
viewed here) the dying struggle of a political gambler who 
having abandoned his political principles, & the expressed 
wishes of his constituents, sacrificed at the altar of self agran- 
disement; and then forsooth, whiningly asks forgiveness for his 
corruption, because all this was done with the sole view of 
bringing himself into the office of Secretary of State, — from 
whence, by "the safe precedents established" he would of course 
step into the Presidential chair. I must confess there is more 
candour in this precious confession than good common sense. 
Your view of the subject is certainly correct, and the course 
pointed out, I had determined to adopt, before your friendly 
letters had reached me. Still Mr Clay had left himself in his 
address, so open to a severe scourging that it has been with 
dificulty I could withold my pen. I too could have unfolded 
some "voluntary information given," that would have been 
usefull to a full understanding of the corrupt course of Mr 
Clays friends & himself. The information given, first to 
Major Eaton, then to Mr. Kreamer, by a Representative from 



21 



Pennyslvania, that they might communicate it to me, and 
which, on their refusal to be the organ, he personally com- 
municated to me, would be an important link in the portrait 
of the corrupt scenes at Washington, of which Mr Clay has 
become the most conspicuous character. I think with you 
that he has fallen below anything but contempt, he never can 
rise again except by noticing him in such a manner, that he & 
his friends, can cry out persecution. Therefore for the present 
I have determined to be silent. If a time should arise when I 
concieve it proper for me to speak, I will endeavour to speak to 
the point, and with that energy and freedom, that the subject 
may require, regardless of consequences, when you will find 
that this braggadocio will cower. 

I have with pleasure perused the letter of my Revolutionary 
friend Mr Little; he breathes the sentiments of the patriot of 
76, who fought, & suffered privations to obtain the blessings 
we now enjoy, and who wishes to perpetuate the pure princi- 
ples of our Republican institutions to our latest posterity. I 
have no doubt but he is an honest man, who in my estimation, 
is "the noblest work of god. " Should you see him present me 
respectfully to him. 

Mrs Jackson health is perfectly restored; as soon as we got 
on the mountains, the healthfull breezes operated as a specific, 
and she mended by the hour, she is now in good health and 
Joins me in the kindest salutations to Mrs Swartwout and 
yourself. 

I shall be happy to hear from you often. Accept the 
expressions of my sincere friendship & esteem. 

ANDREW JACKSON 
Mr. Sam'l Swartwout. 

P. S. My general health is good, my affliction arose from 
fatigue & riding on horseback, which occasioned an inflamation 
in the rectum, which communicated to the bladder, & affected 
the prostrate glands; rest has removed all pain. 



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